Sheldon Richman
thinks so. In his on-going and invaluable attempt to wake libertarians from our dogmatic slumbers, Richman argues that current debates over real wages, total compensation, the general status of the “middle class,” and other such issues miss the forest for the trees—and miss opportunities better to communicate with the mainstream Left. Here’s Richman:
We live in a corporate state, not a free economy. What are we arguing about? Whether the corporate state treats workers better than the left says it does? Big deal! What does that do to advance the cause of liberty?
It seems to me that all it does is make us look like corporate-state apologists. No thanks. There are enough of those.
These two statements are consistent:
1) the middle class is doing better than ever (leaving aside the scary debt question);
2) it's not doing as well as it should be doing.
Regarding 2) the question is why. If the lord of the manor comes into some money and raises the living standard of his serfs, we would hardly tout that fact to show that feudalism is fine. I know the analogy is overdrawn, but many libertarians are doing something similar. They debate the numbers without pointing out what those numbers paint a picture of. It's not a picture of a laissez-faire economy; it's a picture of a corporate state -- the systematic intervention largely on behalf of incumbent business interests that tamps down competition and squelches alternatives, including self-employment, for many workers.
When I say that the middle class, and those below, are not doing as well as should they be doing, I mean simply that if competition were truly free -- if all transactions were voluntary -- these classes would be wealthier.
I often think that our state capitalist (corporate statist, monopoly capitalist, quasi-fascist, pick your term) system is like one of those multi-stable objects, such as the Necker cube or Wittgenstein’s duck-rabbit. Because it is a combination of liberal-market and statist-authoritarian elements, it is very difficult to discern clearly its real nature. When one understands and foregrounds the truly liberal aspects of our society—voluntary cooperation, wealth creation, respect for individual freedom, tolerance, rule of law—one will tend to see the authoritarian elements—statism, racism, sexism, militaristic nationalism, technocratic paternalism—as inessential, or at least less important. And vice versa.
In developing a dialectical libertarian account of exploitation (for the up-coming
Molinari Society meeting), part of what I’m trying to do is sketch a libertarian account of exploitation that takes into consideration both the libertarian and the authoritarian aspects of our society. More on this topic later.
For now, let me point out that Richman hits on part of the answer. He writes, “When I say that the middle class, and those below, are not doing as well as should they be doing, I mean simply that if competition were truly free -- if all transactions were voluntary -- these classes would be wealthier.” When we have (relatively) independent reasons to believe that a different social order will be more just than the present one, and we have further reason to believe that that social order would be one in which most people (including the least advantage in our current society) would be better off, then we have at least the beginnings of a vantage point from which to discuss issues of class exploitation. In other words, even if, on the whole, things keep getting better, it can still be the case that
the Man is keepin’ us down.
By the way, this kind of counterfactual approach to issues of exploitation is also used by analytical Marxists such as John Roemer. Obviously, I think the Marxist alternative to the current system is a non-starter—and I also think that Roemer’s approach won’t give us a full theory of exploitation—but comparing the current system to possible alternatives is definitely part of the picture.
Happy Labor Day.