Archive for April, 2007

They’re Both Right

Sunday, April 29th, 2007
Thursday's Lewrockwell.com there was suuposedly a "point-counterpoint" between Pat Buchanan and Lew Rockwell on the Attorney-firing "scandal." Buchanan believes the President should fight Congress over Congressional subpeonas of Administration staff, and he makes a strong argument. And Rockwell doesn't actually dispute it, writing only about how, under the Constituiton, the President is just a temporary manager with few powers. I agree with Rockwell, too.

But the Attorney firing scandal is about as frivolous an issue as I've seen. If a President can't even fire officials in the Executive Branch without Congressional oversight, then he's essentially stripped of his Constitutional responsibility to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.

President Bush has violated the Constitution too many times to count; why investigate him for somehting he's legally and Constitutionally entitled to do?

In Timor Veritas?

Sunday, April 29th, 2007

Ping.

H/T: EWOF

Heroic MDS/SDS’ers in Need of Support

Sunday, April 29th, 2007

Courtesy of Brad Spangler.

New York, NY - April 18, 2007. Elaine Brower, Tom Good, Sally Jones, Ben Maurer and Barbara Walker were arrested on March 23, 2007 in Congressman Vito Fossella’s office. Their crime? Reading the names of the (US) war dead aloud and demanding a meeting with their representative so they might discuss the extreme positions he holds on the Iraq War. These 5 activists are charged with disorderly conduct and criminal trespass. They are demanding Fossella drop all charges and agree to a meeting.

Show your support - tell Fossella to drop the charges and meet with his constituents. Sign the online petition: http://www.PetitionOnline.com/fossfive/petition.html

Please show your support!

Trade for sustainable freedom

Sunday, April 29th, 2007
I CAN’T BECOME FREE BY DESTROYING THINGS Violence is THE tool of the state. In the end, everything the state does rests on the promise of using violence and coercion to achieve its goals. Silver here. Fellow blogista Thunder’s recent post, and a post by his partner Lightning, spoke eloquently about how fighting government and all its innumerable evils tends to give us exactly the opposite of what we want. I would add just one thought to their eloquent words: It's not fighting the government at the root of the problem, it is fighting. Resorting to confrontation and violence brings us down to the level of the state. Recently we saw the power of the internet used to destroy the career of Jim Zumbo. His thoughtless outburst aroused hundreds, perhaps thousands of firearms enthusiasts to email his sponsors, most of whom promptly dropped him. But when it was over, were we really any freer? I want more freedom. I want to build up people and institutions that respect and nourish sustainable freedom and the qualities of free men. I have renounced the use of violence to achieve my goals. I know a way. It’s a small way, a humble way, but ultimately it is more powerful than boycotts or even bullets. What’s more, it’s something we all do every day. Adding just a tiny bit of thought and care can change a chore into a tool to build freedom. It’s called trade.

Discussion on Agorism vs. Anarcho-Capitalism

Saturday, April 28th, 2007

It’s not clear why, but user Devon’s comments on my last post disappeared without apparent cause. I’ll look into that. Meanwhile, since what Devon had to say was critical, I want to take pains to not silence him — so I’m reposting his comments based on the email notifications of them I received, as well as copying my replies.

Devon: It appears to me that “Agorism” is simply a marketing gimmick to sell Konkin’s books. “Agorism” clearly is simply one person’s interpretation of anarcho-capitalism. Konkin has pretended that he’s come up with something unique but it’s not at all. Anarcho-capitalism can cover a wide range of interpetations and attitudes. I take offense that he makes up views that he attributes to all anarcho-capitalists. I’m an anarcho-capitalist and I do not equate enterpreneurship with investing, as he claims anarcho-capitalists “conflate.” Does that make me an “agorist”? No, I’m still an anarcho-capitalist. And who is he to call investors “drones”? Sounds like a personal attack to me. Investors are crucial to entrepreneurship. Venture capitalists must exercise a lot of intelligence to determine which startups to fund. And who is he to say that anarcho-capitalists “generally believe in involvement with existing political parties”? How does he know this? I don’t see any reason to think anything other than that some anarcho-capitalists do and some don’t. There is nothing special at all about “Agorism.” Konkin’s philosophy really does not deserve having it’s own name if he’s going to attribute beliefs to anarcho-capitalists that not all anarcho-capitalists, and for all he knows, possibly not even most anarcho-capitalists have.

The “notes” from Brad Spangler don’t make any sense either. What does this mean: “Very important is the recognition that, when speaking of the purported property of the capitalists (holders of capital) among the political class, “Much of that property is stolen. Much is of dubious title” as Karl Hess put it. Anarcho-capitalism never rose to Hess’s challenge, despite the ability of Rothbardian property theory to address it.” For Spangler’s information, Karl Hess WAS an anarcho-capitalist. He said so himself. It’s not as if Rothbard is the only anarcho-capitalist. Spangler also engages in the same tactics as Konkin by attributing ideas and positions to anarcho-capitalists that not all of them have and differentiating “Agorists” as not being anarcho-capitalists. It’s absurd. Agorists ARE anarcho-capitalists. Don’t let Konkin’s marketing gimmicks fool you.

Anarcho-capitalism is simply any philosophy that supports a free market in goods and services including defense services and doesn’t have a labor theory of value. That leaves a lot of room for varying interpretations and applications. Rothbard does not have a monopoly on the term “anarcho-capitalism.” It is now much bigger than him. One doesn’t have to have a philosophy identical to Rothbard’s to be an anarcho-capitalist. For example, David Friedman is an anarcho-capitalist too, you know? His anarcho-capitalism is quite different from Rothbard’s but it’s still anarcho-capitalism. If someone wants to call their own version by another name, that’s fine. But, don’t attribute positions to anarcho-capitalists “in general” that they may not have not have to sell books.

Devon: Another note. This statement form Spangler is totally false: “While they rightfully denounce loudly the state as banditry, their eyes glaze over once the wealth the state steals has been transferred to some state allied plutocrat not literally on a civil service payroll (e.g Haliburton). They typically contradict their own (Rothbardian) property theory by defending the possessors of stolen loot as if they were legitimate property owners.” Read “Confiscation and the Homstead Principle” by Rothabard http://mises.org/journals/lf/1969/1969_06_15.pdf in the Libertarian Forum, which is right under Hess’s essay that he praises. He explicitly advocates the seizure of “property built on funds stolen from taxpayers.” Rothbard says “What of the myriad of corporations which are integral parts of the military-industrial complex, which not only get over half or sometimes virtually all their revenue from the government but also participate in mass murder? What are their credentials to “private” property? Surely less than zero. As eager lobbyists for these contracts and subsidies, as co-founders of the garrison state, they deserve confiscation
and reversion of their property to the genuine private sector as rapidly as possible. To say that their “private” property must be respected is to say that the property stolen by t h e horsethief and t h e murdered must be “respected”. He even goes on to suggest how this may be accomplished, even utilizing the state for redistribution, which contradicts Spangler’s statement that “Rothbard failed to completely understand the full implications of his ideas on class and never himself developed a theory of revolution. Not trusting the state to redistribute property, that being the problem in the first place, an-caps with no theory of revolution have no idea how to address the issue of state stolen property.”

Don’t make claims about anarcho-capitalists unless you have read all material from all anarcho-capitalists.

Brad: Actually, I’m quite familiar with Rothbard’s essay “Confiscation and the Homestead Principle” from back during Rothbard’s alliance with the New Left phase. It was instrumental in development of my current views. I was refering to a *tendency* of the modern anarcho-capitalist movement as it exists in dumbed down form today. Similarly, with regard to your initial comment, pause and consider the phrase “tends to” and words like “typically” as acknowledgement that I’m putting forward some generalizations — valid generalizations, but ones I freely admit are generalizations.

Brad: And, BTW, you’re kind of missing the point — that while State seizure of the property of state allied monopolist enterprises as a supposed prelude to authentic privatization may be justifiable under Rothbardian property theory, it’s severely problematic for political libertarians to advocate state seizure of nominally private enterprises. That’s why while Rothbard considered the notion, he dropped it like a hot potato. The only way Rothbardian property theory can realistically be acted on without contradicting libertarian principle in such cases is by revolutionary homesteading and/or restitution seizures. Rothbardian property theory can not accomplish that all on its own. You need a theory of revolution.

Furthermore, let’s not get into all of the contradictions involved in theoretical politically carried out de-statizing by “libertarian” politicians. Since libertarianism questions the very legitimacy of the state, just how can the government legitimately privatize anything, in terms of selecting a particular person or people to transfer title to formerly state-owned assets to? It can’t.

Devon: I disagree that you are making “valid generalizations.” What you are doing is defining anarcho-capitalism as you personally want to define it, by coming up with these “generalizations” that are unfounded. Have you done a study on what anarcho-capitalists “generally” think other than wanting to have market provided defense?

And, I reiterate my point that agorism is anarcho-capitalism too. Agorism is not a separate philosophy. It’s simply one of many applications of “anarcho-capitalism,” which again, is simply any philosophy that supports a free market in goods and services including defense services and doesn’t have a labor theory of value. That alone is a sufficient condition for a philosophy being a form of anarcho-capitalism.

And, you’re attributing positions to the “modern anarcho-capitalist movement” does not make sense. There is no anarcho-capitalism “movement.” There are simply various anarcho-capitalists each with their own ideas. And again, I don’t know how you can make generalizations when Friedman’s version of anarcho-capitalism is nearly as popular as Rothbard’s version but so much different.

I suggest that you not generalize about “anarcho-capitalists” and not make generalizations about them as if agorists are not anarcho-capitalists too. There is no “anarcho-capitalist” movement of which positions can be generalized.

Brad: Among other things, I disagree with your definition of anarcho-capitalism. Although it covers the basics, it ignores important points I have already explicitly raised.

Anarcho-capitalism a philosophy which supports a free market in goods and services including defense and arbitration services, doesn’t have a labor theory of value, lacks a theory of revolution and as a consequence remains mired in political reformism and doesn’t fully develop and apply its class theory or property theory.

There are subtler points of information that could be raised, such as lack of a labor theory of value being a largely artificial distinction at this point because the most up to date and sophisticated take on the labor theory of value (Carson’s) is so heavily subjectivized as to make the debate between subjective value theory and LTV advocates largely a moot point of little more than academic interest.

Brad: And, BTW, with regard to this:

“Have you done a study on what anarcho-capitalists ‘generally’ think other than wanting to have market provided defense?”

I was apolitical until I read Rothbard’s “For a New Liberty” 17 years ago and I’ve been active in the libertarian movement ever since. If that’s not good enough (in your view) to have an opinion on the character and composition of that movement and elements of it, to include defending that opinion as at least somewhat accurate based on that experience, then I’m going to have to say I disagree with you on that as well.

Brad: And as for Friedman, while he has made some valuable contributions to anarcho-capitalist thought, it’s my perception that Rothbard is widely acknowledged as the most advanced and influential anarcho-capitalist thinker. For that matter, the Tannehills managed to be much more rigorous in a far more succinct volume if you want to compare the “The Market for Liberty” to Friedman’s “The Machinery of Freedom”. The best critique of Friedman’s version of things can be found in Rothbard’s “Do You Hate the State?”.

Oh, God, I could be bounded in a nutshell, and count myself a king of infinite space, were it not that I have bad dreams.

Saturday, April 28th, 2007
Okay, back to my nightmare.

There was a discussion on Leftlib2, inspired mainly by Kevin Carson's musings that an agorist/left Rothbardian/ mutualist takeover of existing institutions would occur best in a situation where the state capitalists abandoned them, using Argentina as an analogy. I responded that I agreed it would be nice if that happened, but, thinking back on my nightmare, that I think 1984 comes first, then a kleptocracy. As I was writing my response, I thought of jomama's find about 3rd century rome:

With the Crisis of the Third Century, however, this vast [Roman] trade network broke down. The widespread civil unrest made it no longer safe for merchants to travel as they once had, and the financial crisis that struck made exchange very difficult. This produced profound changes that, in many ways, would echo the character of the coming Middle Ages. Large landowners, no longer able to successfully export their crops over long distances, began producing food for subsistence and local barter. Rather than import manufactured goods, they began to manufacture many goods locally, often on their own estates, thus beginning the self-sufficient "house economy" that would become commonplace in later centuries, reaching its final form in Manorialism. The common free people of the cities, meanwhile, began to move out to the countryside in search of food and protection. Made desperate by economic necessity, many of these former city dwellers, as well as many small farmers, were forced to give up basic rights in order to receive protection from large land holders. The former became a half-free class of citizens known as coloni. They were tied to the land and, thanks to later Imperial reforms, their positions were made hereditary. This provided an early model for serfdom, which would form the basis of mediaeval (sic) feudal society.
...
Large landowners, who had become more self-sufficient, became less mindful of Romes central authority and were downright hostile towards its tax collectors.


In my leftlib2 post, I noted that I didn't think it would follow the exact same pattern as Rome, since perhaps other institutions would provide better power centers than land. But perhaps I was wrong?

A mere few hours later, I ran across this disturbing passing reference:

a growing number of bad news articles during the relatively good economic times we are enjoying today are what our editor Jane calls "financial porn," along with the articles, such as in the Wall Street Journal today, about the trend of the super-rich to buy vast tracks of land.


Not having a subscription to the War Street Journal, I trundled down to my local public library, and sure enough, on page B1 of the April 25th edition: "It's The Only Thing That Lasts" is the lead story in "Marketplace." I actually think there is a ton of truth in that headline, but at the same time, it's not as true as it might seem. I'm hoping to get into the topic a little bit more on another post, but first I need to return to my local public library to try and dig up an archived copy of Rolling Stone magazine from December 9, 1999 (the issue with Christina Ricci on the cover) - it has an article on the real estate bubble in Silicon Valley. In the article, the author references a study that purportedly demonstrated that 30 years after the start of the industrial revolution in England, the only wealth that remained was in the hands of the landlords; all of the entrepreneurs that had initially made it big had busted on subsequent ventures. I need to see if the study is legit.

Anyway, to wrap up this rambling post into something that resembles coherency, I don't think that the people mentioned in the War Street Journal article are planning some sort of kleptocracy. I think they're reacting very rationally to the economy they're finding themselves in. However, that doesn't change the fact that if we have some sort of crack-up boom, and long-distance commerce as well as the welfare state break down, the pattern of 3rd century Rome could look awfully familiar.


Note: I edited this post because apparently I copied and pasted the wrong text from jomama's blog. The correct quote is there now.

“He’ll save every one of us!”

Saturday, April 28th, 2007
While we’re waiting for SciFi Channel to unveil its highly secretive version of Alex Raymond’s Flash Gordon later this year, Universal Home Video is finally releasing a “special edition” DVD of the 1980 Mike Hodges-directed movie on August 7. For the past few years, the original Region 1 (U.S.) Flash Gordon DVD has been out of print but available on eBay for a lot of money. Now, the movie seems to be getting some decent treatment, digitally remastered in 2:35:1 anamorphic widescreen, although the extras sound a little thin (a couple of featurettes and the first chapter of the 1936 Flash Gordon serial with Buster Crabbe).

Flash Gordon flopped big time in theaters in the ’80s, but word-of-mouth, kitschy retro-FX, surreal set and costume design, and the now-famous Queen score (used to great effect in the new comedy Blades of Glory) have made it a cult favorite. There’s great stuff in this film. Besides some terrific space babes, there’s a fantastically sinister performance by Max von Sydow as Ming the Merciless (“Pathetic Earthlings...who can save you now?”). And Topol’s Dr. Zarkov, who seems to get Flash Gordon and Dale Arden to the planet Mongo without government assistance, is delightful.

I’ve owned the European Region 2 “Silver Anniversary Edition” DVD of Flash Gordon for a couple of years. It includes feature-length commentaries from director Hodges and actor Brian Blessed (who plays Vultan), an interview with Hodges, the original trailer, and the first episode of the 1940 Flash Gordon Conquers the Universe serial. Too bad the August U.S. release will be missing the commentaries, which are very good.

UPDATE: SciFi Channel has announced that its new Flash Gordon series, starring Eric Johnson (from the first couple of seasons of Smallville), premieres August 10.

William B. Greene, Communism vs. Mutualism

Saturday, April 28th, 2007
[This is a repost, probably the first of several, highlighting some of the more important statements about the philosophy of mutualism. Long-time readers and students of mutualism should note, particularly as I did not note it myself before, Greene's apparent adoption of the "cost principle," and the linked principle of deferred and social profit: "so much as the individual laborer will then get over and above what he has earned will come to him as his share in the general prosperity of the community of which he is an individual member." That does not mean, however, that Greene had jumped onto the Warren-Andrews bandwagon. In language that demonstrates how much he was, even in the 1870s, still the Rev. Mr. Greene, and still in search of a "New Christianity," he describes individual sovereignty as "the John the Baptist, without whose coming the mutualistic idea remains void." I suspect there is still a good deal to dig out of the pages of The Word, which was the last forum (perhaps the only forum) where the major figures of antebellum mutualism in AmericaWarren, Greene, and Ingalls—were in direct communication and debate—with one another, but also with the heirs of the Edward Kellogg tradition.]

This chapter from William Batchelder Greene's Socialistic, Communistic, Mutualistic and Financial Fragments (1875), originally appeared in The Word. Greene's correspondent was apparently Jesse Henry Jones (1836-1904), a frequent contributor to The Word and a number of other reform-oriented or religious magazines, and author of several books. He prompted debates in a couple of the Oneida-related periodicals, and composed a song in support of the 8-hour movement. (I'll try to find some time to treat Jones separately, and dig up the immediate context for this exchange.) Greene is in his combatative mode here, happy to damn "communism," specifically in the sense of community of goods. Elsewhere, of course, like Proudhon judging property "by its aims," Greene was willing to admit that certain tendencies of "communism" were among those that would be balanced (against "individualism" and "socialism") in creating mutualism.


[From the Princeton "Word."]

COMMUNISM VERSUS MUTUALISM.

BY WILLIAM B. GREENE.

COMMUNISM is the form which human association naturally assumes at its origin. It implies the absolute supremacy of the chief, the utter subordination of the associates, and has for its maxim the fraternal rule,—each is to work according to his ability, and each is to receive according to his needs. In human communistic societies, as in the societies of wild horses, cattle, or sheep, all individuality is concentrated in the chief, who is instinctively obeyed by the associates as something extra-natural, and ruling by a mysterious, inscrutable right. The individualities of the associates are, among communistic men, as among sheep, numerical only. Each individual is just like all the others, and does just what the others do. The first very marked step in human progress results from the division of labor. It is the characteristic of the division of labor, and of the economic distribution of tasks, that each individual tends to do precisely what the others don't do. As soon as labor is divided, communism necessarily ceases, and MUTUALISM, the negation of communism, and the reciprocal correlation of each to every other, and of every other to each, for a common purpose, commences. The march of social progress is out of communism into mutualism. Communism sacrifices the individual to secure the unity of the whole. Mutualism has unlimited individualism as the essential and necessary prior condition of its own existence, and co-ordinates individuals without any sacrifice of individuality, into one collective whole, by spontaneous confederation, or solidarity. Communism is the ideal of the past; mutualism, of the future. The garden of Eden is before us, as something, to be achieved and attained; not behind US, as something that was lost when labor was divided, tasks were distributed, individualities were encouraged, and communism, or the mere animal and instinctive social order, had the sentence pronounced against it, "Dying, thou shalt surely die."

Mutual insurance has shown, by practical exemplification, a little of what the nature, bearings, and workings of the mutualistic principle are. When the currency shall have become mutualized by mutual banks, and the rate of interest on money loaned shall have been brought down to zero per cent per annum, it will become possible to generalize mutual insurance, applying it to all the contingencies of life, so that men, instead of being, as now, antagonistic to each other, shall be so federated with each other, that an accidental loss falling on any one individual shall be a loss to be compensated by all other individuals, while a gain accidentally accruing to any one individual shall fall to the community, and be shared by all. Under the mutual system, each individual will receive the just and exact pay for his work; services equivalent in cost being exchangeable for services equivalent in cost, without profit or discount; and so much as the individual laborer will then get over and above what he has earned will come to him as his share in the general prosperity of the community of which he is an individual member. The principle of mutuality in social economy is identical with the principle of federation in politics. Make a note of this last fact. Individual sovereignty is the John the Baptist, without whose coming the mutualistic idea remains void. There is no mutualism without reciprocal consent; and none but individuals can enter into voluntary mutual relations. Mutualism is the synthesis of liberty and order.

[In order to more fully explain the doctrine of mutualism, we take the liberty to print the following correspondence, sent to us for our perusal. Since we have omitted all of a private or personal nature, we trust the authors will pardon our making public their valuable thoughts.—Editorial.]
NORTH ABINGTON, MASS., Sept. 28. 1874.
COL. WILLIAM B. GREENE. Dear Sir,—When I made up the essays on interest into a tract, I did so at a venture, i.e., I felt it to be so strong, that it ought to be so used, and I trusted that the means would be provided in due time. Well, now that it is made up, and you are pleased with it, it has occurred to me that you would be willing to share in the cost. It would be practicable, through a few labor reformers who are in the city, to sow a few hundred of these tracts, or, indeed, some thousands, if they were provided; and would not something of the kind be worth your while? The pamphlets you sent have been received. Thanks. There are some striking remarks about God as being alive, in that on the divinity of Jesus. As to banking—is not what men want, the willingness to work together, instead of to lend to each other? Does "The Equity" (newspaper) commend itself to you as of the right temper and strength, so that it ought to live?
Respectfully,
JESSE H. JONES.

BOSTON, MASS., Sept. 29, 1874.
REV. JESSE H. JONES. Dear Sir,—Your letter of yesterday, to me, has been duly received. Contents noted. Please find enclosed a check for the money called for. You say, "As to banking, is not what men want, the willingness to work together, instead of to lend to each other?" I reply, that, so far as my experience goes, the willingness of John to help Thomas and Peter in their work usually takes the form of a willingness to lend money to them to help them along. The application to me for help in any work, almost always, perhaps always, assumes the shape of a request for a loan, or, perhaps, a gift, of money. So long as services are estimated in money values, the man who lends money lends aid and service. Money honestly acquired is the representative of services performed, for which the community is still in debt; and the transfer of money from Peter to John is the transfer of claim for wages due, and not yet paid in kind. I don't believe in the Christian communism you advocate. I repudiate it. I believe in work and wages. The apostles tried Christian communism, and failed. We to-day are no better, to say the least, than the apostles were, and no more competent to command success.
Respectfully,
Wm. B. GREENE.

Boston, Oct. 2, 1874.
REV. JESSE H. JONES. Dear Sir,—You ask me, in your communication of yesterday, this pregnant question, "As to methods, does it not seem as though the first thing should be a hearty brotherly union of feeling, and then such co-operation as can be accomplished?" I have to say, in reply, that the hearts of all living creatures are in the hand of the Almighty, who turns them whithersoever he will. God has put the associative sentiment into the hearts of cattle; for, otherwise, they would not go in herds: he has also put it into the hearts of wild and tame geese; for, otherwise, they would not go in flocks, and so on. In man, the associative instinct is, or ought to be, subordinated to reason. The Master says, "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." Sheep that go in flocks, regulating their motions upon those of their leader, and wolves that go in packs, instinctively organized under special wolves that are their rulers, know many things; but they don't know truth, because they take no cognizance of things supersensual. If you know any truth, state it. I have looked over the numbers of "The Equity," and find in it instinctive and sentimental ejaculations, but no clear statement of any truth. Tell me whether it is with the wolves, or with the sheep, that I ought to have "a hearty brotherly union of feeling," and why. The wild asses of the desert go in herds; but the lions dwell apart. Who furnish the correct ideal for imitation,—the wild asses, or the lions? And in what respect is either one of these ideals preferable to the other? and why? Ought not both of these ideals to be rejected? In every nook and corner of your question, there lurks, as it seems to me, the virus of a heresy not at all belonging to your theological environment. What is wanted at this time is not instinctive association based on feeling, followed by unreasoning co-operation, working disaster to the co-operators, but, first of all, that special knowledge which is possessed by men "who know, their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain," enabling them to act on Andrew Jackson's maxim, and ''demand nothing that is not clearly right, and submit to nothing that is clearly wrong." Gen. Jackson was an individual lion, and dwelt apart. It was his custom to say, "I take the responsibility." There is also wanted, at this time, secondly, a well thought out mutualistic organism in society, whereby, not animal and instinctive men, but twice-born, or spiritual men, may guarantee and insure each other against the assaults of the Devil's kingdom. The bees and beavers have wrought out the utmost possibility of instinctive co-operation. Sin comes before salvation, and is the condition of it: in like manner, individualism—the utter negation of the sentimental associative principle you celebrate, and the ground of the special social disorder that is of human, and not animal origin—is the indispensable prerequisite of mutualism. Mutualism, the ultimate outbirth of civilization, the triumph of the human element in man over the animal element, is the opposite of the communism which "The Equity" advocates. I go for mutualism, and am against communism and socialism.
Respectfully,
WM. B. GREENE.

The Case For War Was Always and Obviously Weak

Friday, April 27th, 2007
Anyone who hasn't watched the Bill Moyers special Buying the War should do so. It's a solid record of the decline of the republic. But even though the mainstream media failed to report the truth, there are three points that can never be under-emphasized:

1. Even if Colin Powell's performance at the United Nations was believable (and I believed it at the time), all it did was present a convincing case that Saddam was a bad person; it did not present a convincing case for war.

2. Iraq was never an imminent threat, and did nothing to provoke a Congressional Declaration of War, without which military action would be illegitimate.

3. The reasons outlined by the Bush I Administration for not invading Iraq were never refuted.

It is for these reasons that invading Iraq was clearly wrong and clearly nuts - no matter what the mainstream media reported. Given the fact that we had a nutjob in the White House, it was primarily the responsibility of Congress to stop him, not the mainstream media.

Eliphalet Kimball—”Anarchy is a good word.”

Friday, April 27th, 2007
As promised, here's a bit more from Eliphalet Kimball. One of his early contributions to The Boston Investigator was "Law, Commerce, and Religion" (June 30, 1862). It may, in fact, be his earliest explicitly anarchist essay. And it's a doozy—a mix of revolutionary and primitivist elements, written in fine ranting style. There's something to amuse and/or offend pretty much any anarchist or libertarian. But, most importantly, there is the very existence of Kimball, a Yankee doctor calling for a very radical anarchy in the midst of the Civil War, as striking as he is unexpected. Here's a taste:
It is only by anarchy and violence that a great accumulation of social wrongs can be removed. Anarchy is a good word. In means, "without a head." Violence is the healing power of Nature applied to society. The violence which would follow from the abolishment of law, would be proportion to the number and magnitude of the wrongs that needed removal. There ought always to be anarchy, but there would be no violence where there were no wrongs.—Japan needs but little violence. Great Britain needs much. Nothing but violence could have accomplished the great French Revolution, the most beneficent and glorious even of modern times. Law and Religion are responsible for whatever was wrong in it.—Mob law is the right law. Mobs assemble to do justice, to punish bad men whom the law does not reach, and to remove wrongs. There is more reason and justice in a large number of men than in a small number, more in a mob than in a Senate, House of Representatives, judges, or juries. The government of a State, or nation, is a mob, the government of the majority is a mob, and they are the only mobs that ought to be put down. If mankind are not good enough to live without law, they are not good enough to vote for law-makers. Beasts and savages are not fools enough to believe in religion and law, and are good enough to live right without them. Christian and civilized men appear to consider themselves inferior in goodness to savages and beasts. In an uncorrupted state of society, mankind are inclined to do right.—If they were naturally inclined to evil, they would not make laws to prevent it. The fact that laws are made, proves that law is unnecessary.